SAMPLE:  "Littleton OR Colubine" AND 
"Gun Control"
From 4/20/99 to 10/20/99
Sampled every 20

 
 
The Houston Chronicle

October 20, 1999, Wednesday 3 STAR EDITION

SECTION: A; Pg. 2

Gun-control advocates remember Columbine; Congress urged to pass juvenile crime bill



By ANDREW BROMAN, Houston Chronicle Washington Bureau

DATELINE: WASHINGTON

WASHINGTON - Gun-control advocates marked on Tuesday the six-month anniversary of the Columbine High School massacre with a rally and a call for Congress to finally pass a juvenile crime bill.

The rally, attended by President Clinton, drew criticism from Republicans who said such stunts do nothing to ease partisan tensions. They also criticized Democrats for an unwillingness to compromise on gun restrictions.

"Staging photo opportunities is not going to solve anything," said Rep. Bob Barr, R-Ga., a member of a conference committee that is drafting a juvenile justice bill, to which Democrats have been trying to attach gun control measures.

"We don't have any direction from the Democrats as to what they would be willing to accept, and we seem to be getting conflicting signals," Barr said.

Clinton sent clear signals, however, that his administration would sign anti-crime legislation only with strong gun-control measures intact. Despite the violent attacks in schools over the last three years, Clinton turned his attention to a Justice Department report that indicates violence in schools overall is down since 1993. Rates declined from about 155 school-related crimes for every 1,000 students to about 102 crimes in 1997.

"All these people here in our caucus who supported all those crime policies took a lot of heat for doing it, because we were told that - the NRA told everybody we were going to take their guns away and they couldn't go hunting anymore," Clinton said. "Well, everybody's still hunting, but it's a safer country, and we're still having the same argument up here."

Some Republicans on the conference committee have indicated that they may compromise on positions that the party has traditionally rejected. But last week the conference met without coming away with any sort of agreement.

An amendment proposed by Rep. Henry Hyde, R. Ill., shows that some conferees have at least agreed to the idea of background checks at gun shows, but they disagree on just how long those checks should take place.

The Senate passed a Democrat provision in May that required all vendors at gun shows to conduct mandatory background checks on customers within three days. Currently, only licensed dealers must conduct background checks, also within three days, while hobbyists and collectors are exempt.

The House juvenile crime bill never did address background checks at gun shows.

Republicans say a three-day waiting period would make it nearly impossible to buy guns at typical weekend-only gun shows.

Hyde has said he has met Democrats halfway on this issue, and recently proposed to create a three-day waiting period if checks raise any red flags.

"(Hyde) gave them everything that they wanted. Now that they have what they want, will they support?" said Mike Connolly, an aide for Hyde. "Or will they oppose, ensuring it does not pass and then go into next year's election blaming Republicans for not passing gun control legislation?"

Republicans complained Tuesday that Democrats did not invite them to participate in the youth anti-violence conference.

"It might have been better to put the politics of party division aside on this solemn day" and invited Republicans to the conference, the chairmen of the House and Senate Judiciary committees, Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) and Hyde, said in joint statement.

The conference, organized by the Democratic Caucus, featured two days of teen-agers from school districts across the country, meeting to discuss ways to limit violence in schools.

But with partisanship rampant on the Hill, the House has at least organized a 24-member bipartisan task force to examine youth violence and recommend legislation.

Rep. Martin Frost, D-Dallas, who helped organize the youth violence conference, is a member of the task force and said it would look beyond just gun issues. "We may look at a range of issues, anything from violence in the media to safety in our schools," he said.

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The Guardian (London) 

July 30, 1999 

SECTION: Guardian Foreign Pages; Pg. 15 


 
Atlanta shooting highlights lax gun controls; 
Despite a series of massacres, the lobbyists still call the shots in a Republican-dominated congress 

By  JULIAN BORGER IN WASHINGTON 

BODY: 
    Yesterday's indiscriminate shooting of office workers by a stock trader in Atlanta, Georgia, is likely to bring the United States' long-running debate on gun control to the boil again, but few expect the tragedy to lead directly to a breakthrough. 

Even after two teenagers murdered 12 classmates and a teacher at Columbine high school in Littleton, Colorado, in April, the initial momentum towards limiting the availability of guns quickly became bogged down in congress, where the National Rifle Association (NRA) - representing gun manufacturers and en thusiasts - still wields enormous influence. 

After the Columbine killings, President Bill Clinton proposed a series of measures, including raising the legal age for handgun possession from 18 to 21 and making negligent parents legally liable when their children commit crimes with family guns. 

He also demanded the closure of a loophole in the existing regulations that allowed dealers to sell weapons at rural gun shows without carrying out background checks on customers. 

Individual states reacted quickly. California passed a bill limiting gun purchases to one a month per person, and the state governor, Gray Davis, announced plans to restore a ban on assault guns. 

But the federal control measures were so watered down by the time they reached the Republican-dominated congress that Mr Clinton described the resulting bill as 'plainly ghostwritten' by the NRA. 

'It is wrong to let the NRA call the shots on this issue,' he said last month. 

'This is a classic, horrible example of how Washington is out of touch with the rest of America.' 

In particular, the proposal for background checks at gun shows was altered by the Republican majority in the house of representatives to produce a definition of gun shows that was so restrictive that even vendors at flea markets would be exempt from its requirements. 

The amendments came at the end of a week in which the NRA lavished more than $ 1m ( pounds 600,000) on its efforts to soften the proposed legislation. 

Henry Hyde, the chairman of the house judiciary committee, acknowledged that his fellow Republicans had 'spent a lot of time with a lot of people, including the NRA'. 

Some Republicans also backed the NRA's objections to other proposed controls that were added to a senate version of a juvenile crime bill. The controls they opposed included a requirement for child safety devices and curbs on juvenile access to semi-automatic rifles. 

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The Tampa Tribune

June 24, 1999, Thursday, FINAL EDITION

SECTION: NATION/WORLD, Pg. 15

Democrats gleeful in defeat over gun control



By JOHN HALL

WASHINGTON - "Why are they celebrating?" a woman in the Virginia suburbs asked when she picked up a copy of the local newspaper here with a front-page picture of Democratic women outside the Capitol locking arms and jumping with glee after defeat of gun control legislation. "I thought the Democrats were in favor of gun control."

Although their leadership professed that this was a black day in American politics, the people in the trenches are having trouble acting disappointed. This is widely considered a great political victory that has put Republicans and the National Rifle Association on the defensive in the wake of the Littleton, Colo., school shootings. Rep. Patrick Kennedy, D-R.I., even led cheers on the House floor.

"Six more votes," Democratic members chanted as an amendment to strengthen gun control laws went down. It was a reference to the number of Republican districts that Democrats need to take in the November 2000 elections in order to win back control of the House. And the Democrats now look in better shape than ever to accomplish that feat.

Gun control and the whole gamut of issues involving crimes, drugs, violence on television and the decline in cultural values have become central in American politics, according to pollster John Zogby. They have largely supplanted important pocketbook concerns, including Social Security and Medicare, budget excesses and tax cuts, in a booming economy.

National revulsion at schoolyard violence, many Democratic consultants feel, could pry loose the independent votes and the suburbs, where Republicans have gained the most ground since their 1994 triumphs in the House elections. President Clinton is on board, using the defeat of gun control for a wholesale assault on the gun lobby.

CLINTON'S RHETORIC about the Republicans and NRA writing the defeated bill in the dark of night may have been overwrought. But the GOP leadership in the House - under the tutelage of the guileful majority whip, Tom DeLay, R-Tex. - did succeed in denying the House a clean vote on a measure that probably would have passed.

Six years ago, when the "Brady bill" setting up a computerized database for use in criminal background checks on gun buyers was brought to the floor, Democrats who ran the House arranged a single up-or-down vote with no wiggle room and it passed. But GOP tacticians refused to permit that this year, forcing a series of votes on amendments which so muddled the final measure that the whole package was shot dead by firearms advocates and anti-gun forces.

Legislative gridlock - coupled with the lame-duck Clinton presidency - is threatening to paralyze Congress. It almost makes you long for another 1996, when then-Speaker Newt Gingrich and a triangulating President Clinton did business together.

This year's gun control measure could have been salvaged by a modicum of bipartisanship. The difference between the two sides boiled down to one comparatively minor question at the end - how to stop firearms sales at gun shows to convicted felons, wanted fugitives, spouse abusers and others deemed likely to misuse firearms.

About 90,000 firearms sales have been refused in the six months since the FBI's National Instant Check System has been up and running, according to the FBI. In this system, the buyer's name, date of birth and Social Security number are run through national FBI criminal databases. If the state does not operate such a hot line, the dealer can call the FBI directly.

The big loophole in this system is gun shows, where unlicensed dealers can sell firearms without submitting the customers through the automated check system. Rep. John Dingell, D-Mich., a longtime NRA member, proposed an amendment that would have required these instant checks but would have reduced the waiting time for gun show sales from three working days to one day. Dingell's amendment passed, but the reduced waiting period so infuriated gun control advocates that they voted against the bill and sank it, including the opportunity to plug the loophole for unlicensed dealers.

THE FACT THAT there were 90,000 undesirables trying to buy guns just since last November is shocking. This program of instant checks could have been advanced in a significant way without hurting sportsmen if there had been some give and take on both sides. Instead there was only election year sloganeering and maneuvering in a nonelection year that saw more children die. John Hall is the Washington bureau chief of Media General News Service.

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The Washington Post

June 10, 1999, Thursday, Final Edition

SECTION: A SECTION; Pg. A01

Hastert's Gun controls Panned in Both Parties

By Eric Pianin; Juliet Eilperin, Washington Post Staff Writers

Only a day after rallying Republicans behind a common agenda, House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) found himself struggling to salvage his initiatives on gun control, an issue that has haunted his party since the mass shootings in Littleton, Colo., in April.

Moderate Republicans, Democrats and President Clinton all voiced disappointment yesterday over a new package of House GOP gun control measures -- drafted with the input of the National Rifle Association -- that would weaken Senate-approved mandatory background checks for all firearms purchases at gun shows.

Even more troubling for Hastert, his two top lieutenants, Majority Leader Richard K. Armey (R-Tex.) and Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tex.), are siding with gun control opponents against much of the speaker's plan.

"In my district they have a saying: 'Cut my taxes and leave my guns alone,' " Armey said in an interview. "That pretty much says it all."

Such comments bode ill for Hastert's hopes of avoiding the kind of divisive debate over gun control that took place in the Senate, where the GOP leadership was forced to make an embarrassing series of concessions to Democrats. It also raised questions of whether even the modest anti-gun measures approved in the Senate would emerge from the House -- and whether Republicans could outmaneuver Democrats on an issue some lawmakers say could be potent at the polls next year.

"I'm very disappointed," said Rep. Marge Roukema (R-N.J.), a gun control advocate. "It looks as though we learned nothing from the Senate debacle and we'll have a political backlash."

In addition to mandatory background checks at gun shows, the Senate bill approved last month would require safety locks to be sold with new guns and would ban the importation of high-capacity ammunition clips.

Hastert has embraced those general provisions, but bill language unveiled by the House GOP this week would alter the Senate bill in several important ways, including narrowing the range of gun shows where background checks must be conducted. The new proposals, scheduled to come to the floor next week as part of a juvenile justice bill, also include controversial measures to limit depictions of violence in the entertainment media.

While Democrats and some moderate Republicans complained the gun changes essentially gut the bill, conservative Republicans said there is little enthusiasm even for modest gun controls and said Hastert had misread the mood of his caucus.

"He got out of the gate early . . . not understanding where his conference was as a whole," a senior House GOP aide said of Hastert. "This is a pro-gun conference. Hastert has placed himself on an island."

In a brief interview, Hastert dismissed questions about GOP divisiveness over the issue as "speculation," adding, "I just don't know everyone's views."

Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) said the speaker's efforts to push through his measures next week, over the objections of many in both parties and without review by the House Judiciary Committee, "certainly adds to the 'Republicans in disarray' theme."

Clinton charged yesterday that the House leadership was attempting to push through a dramatically watered-down version of the Senate-passed bill "plainly ghost-written by the NRA."

"I think it is wrong to let the NRA call the shots on this issue," Clinton said. "This is a classic, horrible example of how Washington is out of touch with the rest of America, and it is time that the rest of America corrected it."

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry J. Hyde (R-Ill.), a longtime gun control supporter who has worked in concert with Hastert to draft the proposals, dismissed Clinton's comments as "nonsense." He said the plan is aimed at expanding the number of background checks conducted.

"We're trying to adopt a law that closes the loopholes," Hyde said, adding that NRA officials made their views known to his staff but did not have access to the bill. "The NRA is a legitimate organization. They have an interest in the subject."

The internal GOP debate comes at a time when House leaders are trying to strike a balance between gun control opponents, which include the majority of Republicans and a small but important group of Democrats, and gun safety advocates among moderate Republicans and liberal Democrats.

"We're just struggling to find the middle ground as a party," said Bill McInturff, a Republican political consultant."

In a meeting with Judiciary Committee Republicans yesterday morning, for example, several lawmakers told Hyde they could not support his plan to impose a 72-hour background check at gun shows and prohibit the sale of handguns to anyone under 21.

"We have great respect for the chairman, but probably a lot of us in the Judiciary Committee have pretty pro-gun districts," said Rep. Edward G. Bryant (R-Tenn.). "We're all under severe pressure from our districts to protect against any additional burdens on law-abiding gun owners."

Other GOP lawmakers outside the committee share this view. Rep. Wally Herger (R-Calif.) said that calls in his district have been running 11 to 1 against further gun control and that he was "inclined" to resist any new safety measures.

Moderate Republicans, meanwhile, have been riled by the Hastert-Hyde measures and are urging the speaker to open up the floor debate next week to amendments that would close what they see as loopholes.

Currently, licensed firearms dealers must run background checks on purchasers, whether at a gun show or at a store. But the more informal unlicensed vendors at the shows aren't required to run those checks, a loophole that critics say has made it easy for criminals, minors and others who might otherwise be ineligible to buy guns. Whereas the Senate-passed version defines a gun show as any event at which more than 50 guns are for sale, the House version regulates only events at which 10 or more vendors are selling guns.

Reps. Carolyn B. Maloney (D-N.Y.) and William J. Pascrell Jr. (D-N.J.) display "smart gun" with electronic technology.

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Financial Times (London)

May 21, 1999, Friday LONDON EDITION 3

SECTION: THE AMERICAS; Pg. 06

Six injured in shooting at high school

SENATE TIGHTENS GUN CONTROLS:


By Gautam Malkani in Washington

DATELINE: Washington
The Senate yesterday pressed ahead with tighter gun control measures, hours after six students were injured in a high school shooting in Georgia.

The measures, passed after a male student armed with a rifle and revolver opened fire near a cafeteria in Georgia, were proposed in the aftermath of the Columbine school massacre in Denver which left 15 dead one month ago.

Yesterday's debate led to Vice President Al Gore casting a rare tie-breaking vote to bring in sweeping Democrat proposals to restrict firearm

sales, wiping out a Republican measure passed only moments earlier that Democrats said left too many loopholes.

It was the chamber's ninth day deliberating gun control measures contained in a juvenile crime bill after the Democrat amendment, sponsored by Sen Frank Lautenberg, was rejected in a slightly different form last week.

The measures require background checks for firearms bought at gun shows and reclaimed at pawn shops. Republicans have moved back and forth in the face of public criticism and yesterday's initial Republican amendment reversed the party's previous position.

It was only the fourth time the vice president has cast a tie-breaking vote in more than six years.

Moments before leaving for Littleton, Colorado, yesterday morning to commemorate last month's shooting, President Bill Clinton called the incident in Georgia "deeply troubling" and reiterated his calls for action to protect children from violence.

The Georgian gunman, who is 15 years old, was taken into custody yesterday after firing at students at Heritage High School in Conyers, Rockdale County, near Atlanta. Some students were eating breakfast when the incident occurred just before the start of lessons.

None of the injuries was believed to be life-threatening but students described "complete pandemonium" as they ran from the scene.

Before the Senate's vote yesterday, Janet Reno, the attorney general, said: "The law is only as strong as the loopholes it is riddled with, and right now the law that's on the table has far too many loopholes."

She said copycat events in the aftermath of the Littleton tragedy were "indicative of the need to reach out to young people" and stressed that gun control was not sufficient by itself. She acknowledged that the influential gun lobby had not reasserted itself.

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The Washington Post

May 14, 1999, Friday, Final Edition

SECTION: A SECTION; Pg. A01

Senate GOP Shifting on Gun control; After Uproar, Leaders Endorse Background Checks at Shows


By Helen Dewar; Roberto Suro, Washington Post Staff Writers

Stunned by an uproar over the Senate's refusal Wednesday to require mandatory background checks for all sales at gun shows, Republican leaders yesterday reversed course and said they now support legislation requiring the checks.

Democrats immediately denounced the new proposal, saying it would not cover all gun show sales and was still crammed with loopholes through which guns will continue to be sold for criminal purposes.

The Republican turnabout followed a barrage of criticism from President Clinton, Attorney General Janet Reno and other Democrats, along with threats of a revolt from within their own ranks by a half-dozen or more Republicans who contended that the earlier vote was a mistake.

The chaos on Capitol Hill reflected tactical miscalculations on both sides of the gun debate, as political leaders struggled to contend with the intense emotions generated by the killings at Columbine High School on April 20. With gun control advocates determined to win new regulations on firearm sales and their foes struggling to hold the line, the two days of seesaw proposals were the first skirmishes in a battle likely to carry through the rest of the congressional term and into the election season next year.

The new gun show proposal came from Sen. Larry E. Craig (R-Idaho), a National Rifle Association board member who led the fight against mandatory background checks only the day before. On Wednesday, Craig succeeded in defeating, by a largely party-line vote, an amendment to a youth violence bill that would have required mandatory checks. Later that day, he won Senate approval of a weaker amendment, denounced as meaningless by its critics, to enable voluntary background checks by sellers at gun shows.

Craig's latest proposal, which he said he hammered out after meetings with the NRA and restive Republicans, "requires 24-hour background checks for all transfers of firearms at gun shows," according to the official summary, but Democrats asserted that some sellers would be exempt. Current law requires licensed dealers, but not unlicensed vendors, to conduct checks to determine that prospective buyers are not banned by law from purchasing guns.

Craig said he has cleared the new proposal with other Senate Republicans -- who hold a 55-45 majority -- and they support it. A vote is scheduled today.

Asked if the NRA supported the new proposal, Craig responded, "Grudgingly."

With Republican support, the Senate yesterday passed restrictions on juvenile possession of assault weapons and ammunition clips.

The pro-gun forces recognized how vulnerable they had made themselves when Reno attacked Wednesday's legislative action in unusually harsh terms yesterday morning.

"I am stunned that less than one month after the worst school shooting in our nation's history, the Senate has decided to make it easier for felons, fugitives and other prohibited purchasers to buy guns," Reno said at the Justice Department's weekly news conference.

Within minutes Clinton added his voice. "For the life of me," he said, "I can't figure out how they did it, or why they passed up this chance to save lives."

Several key Republican senators who had backed Craig on Wednesday -- including some moderates, senators seeking reelection and presidential candidate John McCain (R-Ariz.) -- had already begun to have second thoughts. Sen. Gordon Smith (R-Ore.) said he would try to change his vote unless GOP leaders considered stronger legislation.

There was no great deluge of phone calls or lobbying against the original Craig amendment, congressional staff members said. Instead, they said, the switch largely reflected a misunderstanding about what the measure actually would accomplish. "Some of the senators started looking at the language closely after Reno's complaint and some other things, and they realized that it wasn't as strong as they thought and that it needed to be fixed," said a senior congressional aide.

Gun control advocates, however, had suffered from their own miscalculations. It was the Senate Democrats who had made the original decision to press for a floor vote on mandatory gun show checks because they were convinced that in the wake of the Colorado school tragedy they had political momentum behind them. At a White House summit Monday on teenage violence, representatives of the firearms industry had openly endorsed the gun show checks and even the NRA had said it would consider the idea.

Amid frantic but inconclusive vote-counting, gun control advocates decided they would try to press a measure by Sen. Frank R. Lautenberg (D-N.J.) to regulate gun show sales. But Lautenberg's measure was defeated on Wednesday, in part because representatives of the firearms industry believed it went beyond the compromises they had agreed to at the White House summit. The same manufacturers who at the beginning of the week had split from the NRA over participation in the summit were by Wednesday back working with the NRA to defeat the Lautenberg measure.

But a day later, the Republicans, fearing that they had overstepped, reversed course on mandatory checks. Democrats derided the switch as signal of "disarray" among Republicans and charged that Craig's new proposal still does not go far enough.

A primary Democratic complaint was that Craig was not willing to rescind a provision approved Wednesday that would repeal a six-month-old regulation requiring pawnshops to conduct background checks on people who redeem their guns. Law enforcement officials see the pawnshop checks as an important tool for blocking transactions involving people the Brady law prohibits from buying handguns.

In another sign of Republican distress over the gun issue, GOP leaders broadened an earlier proposal banning possession of semiautomatic assault weapons by juveniles to include high-capacity ammunition clips, as proposed initially by Democrats. The proposal, offered by Sen. John

D. Ashcroft (R-Mo.), was approved 96 to 2.

Then 20 Republicans joined most Democrats in approving, 59 to 39, a proposal by Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) to ban importation of large ammunition clips, language that had been opposed by Craig and other GOP leaders.

In earlier action, the Senate voted unanimously to require Internet service providers to offer filtering devices so parents can screen out violent content. But it also rejected, 60 to 39, a proposal by Sen. Ernest F. Hollings (D-S.C.) that would have encouraged the Federal Communications Commission to confine broadcasts of violent television programs to hours, presumably during the late night, when children are least likely to be

watching.

Meanwhile, the House has begun to take its first steps toward acting on gun control legislation as well: House Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry J. Hyde (R-Ill.) announced yesterday that the crime subcommittee will hold a hearing on the subject next month.

Staff writer Juliet Eilperin contributed to this report. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy follows Sen. Frank R. Lautenberg to news conference on gun control. A Lautenberg measure was defeated on Wednesday.

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The Houston Chronicle

May 06, 1999, Thursday 2 STAR EDITION

SECTION: YO; Pg. 7

Gun-control debate rages on


SOURCE: From staff and wire reports

Against the wishes of the mayor and thousands of bereaved friends and relatives of the victims of the Columbine High School shootings, the National Rifle Association held its annual meeting in Denver last weekend. The gun-rights group dramatically scaled back the gathering, from three days to a few hours, and eliminated the traditional gun show altogether.

But the gesture was not nearly enough for many still reeling from the massacre at the hands of two troubled teenagers with four firearms and dozens of homemade bombs in nearby Littleton, Colo. Thousands of protesters demonstrated in front of the hotel where the convention was held.

The meeting highlighted the conflict raging across the nation over whether additional gun controls are needed to help prevent another tragedy.

President Clinton is seeking to convince Congress to approve a new package of gun reforms. Actor Charlton Heston, president of the NRA, said such reforms aren't needed and vigorously defended the right of law-abiding citizens to bear arms.

What did the president propose last week?

Clinton introduced a broad gun-control measure that would raise the legal age for handgun possession from 18 to 21, hold negligent parents liable, halt imports of all high-capacity ammunition clips and limit handgun purchases to one a month.

His bill also would require child-safety locks on all guns sold, impose background checks on buyers for all gun-show sales and require a three-day waiting period for all handgun purchases.

What was the NRA response?

Heston said the federal government should do a better job of sending gun violators to prison rather than coming up with new gun-control laws.

Other NRA officials added that no additional laws could have prevented the shootings and argued that as long as 18-year-olds can be sent to war, they should be allowed to have firearms at home. The NRA, a powerful lobbying group that contributes millions of dollars to the campaigns of supportive politicians, maintains that any new gun-control measures would be a "slippery slope toward losing the right to bear arms" that is

guaranteed in the Second Amendment.

Would gun-control measures prevent another Littleton tragedy?

Not by themselves.

Clinton emphasized that no single factor - not violence in movies, TV, music and video games nor the availability of firearms - is to blame for the tragedy. But he said the easy availability of guns was clearly part of the problem.

Responding to criticism that gun control doesn't work, the president said, "We've got to get out of this crazy denial that this won't make a difference. ... Just because it won't make all the difference doesn't mean it won't make a difference."

Will Congress pass stricter gun-control measures?

Clinton's gun-control proposals have fared poorly in Congress since the Republicans took control in 1994. Republican leaders quickly dismissed the president's proposals as a simplistic answer to school violence.

What's next?

Clinton is inviting a broad range of leaders to a White House strategy session to "unite in action" against school violence, similar to earlier campaigns opposing drunken driving and promoting seat belts. The meeting will be Monday.

For more information, pro and con on gun control, see www.handguncontrol.org. and www.nra.org.

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USA TODAY

April 28, 1999, Wednesday, FINAL EDITION

SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 4A

Advocates of gun control protest law's loopholes



By Richard Willing

For gun control advocates, the weapons used in the Littleton, Colo., massacre were familiar enemies -- sawed-off shotguns bought at unregulated trade shows and a semiautomatic pistol banned from production since 1994.

"All the things we'd been talking about and working against for years, and here they are in the middle of this horror," says Kristen Rand, public policy director for the Violence Policy Center, a research group based in Washington, D.C., that favors gun control. "A person couldn't be blamed for asking how much had really been accomplished."

As President Clinton presses forward with new gun control proposals, advocates and opponents of gun control are drawing their own lessons from Littleton.

Gun control advocates say the disaster proves the need for better legislation. They're backing provisions that would require all gun show sales to be subject to federal background checks, as sales from licensed dealers are. And they are seeking to close holes in the 1994 federal ban on assault weapons. Manufacturers have been able to circumvent the ban by making slight modifications to their semiautomatic pistols.

Federal law enforcement "doesn't have the tools it needs to stand up to the industry," Rand says. "(Rules) are so wimpy now that it's easy for the gun industry to get its way."

But representatives of the gun industry and other gun control opponents say the Littleton shooting illustrates the futility of gun control laws. Gun show checks wouldn't have stopped shooters Eric Harris, 18, and Dylan Klebold, 17, they say, because apparently the teen-agers obtained the weapons illegally through third parties, including Klebold's prom date, Robyn Anderson.

"These kids already violated every gun control law," says Joe Waldron, director of the Citizens Committee to Keep and Bear Arms. "What else are you going to do?"

Critics of gun control say the 1994 federal law intended to end production of semiautomatic "assault weapons" provided manufacturers with a blueprint for staying in business.

"Semiautomatic is semiautomatic, whether it's your Grandpa's rifle or Don Johnson's (pistol) on Miami Vice," says Bob Ricker, director of the American Shooting Sports Council of Washington, D.C., the major trade group for the industry.

"So Congress came along and told us, 'Don't make guns with these names, and don't make guns that have things like folding stocks or certain types of pistol grips.'

"They told us, in essence, that these are 'bad guns.' So we took 'em off (the market) and made 'good' guns" instead.

The history of the Tec-9, a semiautomatic pistol used by the two gunmen in Littleton, illustrates the frustrations inherent in trying to ban "assault weapons," as gun opponents call them.

The industry objects to that name.

The weapon was built about 1980 by Intratec, a small Miami company founded with a federal grant. The company's president, Carlos Garcia, could not be reached for comment.

The Tec-9 weighed less than 3 pounds and retailed for less than $ 200. It fired a 9mm bullet, cleared the chamber and loaded a new round with a single squeeze of the trigger. A 32-bullet clip, suspended from the barrel, allowed the gun to fire more bullets far faster than a conventional pistol or revolver.

The Tec-9 was a quick success. It acquired a sort of notoriety thanks to television shows such as Miami Vice that placed the pistol in the hands of actors playing big-time drug dealers.

According to the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, annual production leapt from 2,995 in 1981 to an average of 14,466 pistols in the last four years of the decade.

The Tec-9 attracted the attention of gun control advocates and of law enforcement. In 1989, California banned the Tec-9. In 1991, the District of Columbia followed suit, banning the Tec-9 by name and making Intratec legally liable for shootings involving the weapon.

The pistol's manufacturer responded quickly, renaming the weapon the Tec-DC9 and adding a nylon shoulder sling to get around the ban.

In 1994, Congress tried to close that loophole. The federal assault weapons bill banned the Tec-9 and the Tec-DC9 by name. And to head off future renamings, the law laid out five characteristics that define a semiautomatic pistol. These included a barrel capable of mounting a silencer and a "shroud" that allows the barrel
to be gripped with both hands and fired like a rifle.

New pistols could contain no more than one of the five characteristics. But the old pistols were allowed to stay in circulation and to be resold.

Intratec retooled again, producing a shroudless and silencer-free model renamed the AB-10. The "AB," the manufacturer told gun merchants, stood for "After Ban."

It was a "conscious attempt to laugh at the spirit of the law if not the letter," says Rand of the Violence Policy Center.

But John Velleco, spokesman for Gun Owners of America, says Intratec should not be criticized merely for following federal guidelines.

"Gun manufacturers and dealers spend money and jump through hoops to comply with the assault weapons ban," he says. "Then Clinton turns around and accuses them of using a loophole."

In the wake of Littleton, both sides expect more changes. A bill requiring purchasers at gun shows to undergo federal background checks may have the best chance of passing, in part because the American Shooting Sports Council, the trade group, has joined the White House in supporting it. The council wants to protect its members, who include gun wholesalers and some retailers, against gun-show competition.

Other changes will be tougher. Gun control advocates want to give the ATF additional power to fine and suspend the licenses of manufacturers that make weapons aimed at skirting the law. They say that authority would supplement the bureau's power to ban guns outright, which is difficult to implement and used infrequently.

Meanwhile, there is evidence that the market for weapons may have peaked. The U.S. firearms industry produced 3.8 million guns in 1996, including 1.4 million handguns, according to the ATF. That compares with 5.1 million total and 2.9 million handguns produced in 1994, the industry's biggest year since 1980.

Intratec's business reflects the trend. In 1994, the year the ban was passed, the company produced a record 75,102 of its semiautomatic pistols. The number fell to 9,584 in 1995, and 5,820 in 1996, the last year for which figures are available.

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